--- title: "Europe in Movement . Genoa 2001 and Transnational" description: "Europe in Movement(s). Genoa 2001 and Transnational Mobilisations in Historical Perspective is a professional conference in Genoa, Italy, Nov 19–20, 2026." url: "https://modeldiplomat.com/conferences/professional/europe-in-movement-s-genoa-2001-and-transnational-mobilisations-in-historical-perspective-2026" --- # Europe in Movement(s). Genoa 2001 and Transnational Mobilisations in Historical Perspective Nov 19–20, 2026[Genoa, Italy](https://www.google.com/maps/search/?api=1\&query=Genoa%2C%20Italy)In-person Starts in 12 days[Registration open](https://isig.fbk.eu/it/news/detail/leuropa-dei-movimenti-genova-2001-e-le-mobilitazioni-trasnazionali-in-prospettiva-storica/) This conference, titled "Europe in Movement(s). Genoa 2001 and Transnational Mobilisations in Historical Perspective," convenes in Genoa, Italy. It aims to explore the historical trajectory and impact of transnational social movements within Europe, using the significant events of Genoa in 2001 as a pivotal reference point. The discussions will delve into how these movements have shaped political landscapes and societal discourse across the continent. The event provides a platform for scholars and practitioners to analyze the evolution of European activism, examining its various forms, objectives, and the challenges it has faced. By placing contemporary mobilizations in historical context, the conference seeks to offer a deeper understanding of their enduring legacy and future implications. ## Committees & topics - Topics The G8 Summit in Genoa (2001) · Social Movements in Europe · The Global Justice Movement · The Alter-Globalisation Movement · Transnational Mobilisations · Relations between Movements, States and Supranational Bodies · Protest Cycles and Geographies · Relations between State, Law and Security ## Why it matters The study of transnational mobilizations is crucial for understanding the evolving nature of global governance and the role of non-state actors in international relations. Events like those in Genoa in 2001 represent critical junctures where diverse groups coalesced to challenge established norms and policies, highlighting the power of collective action to influence political agendas. For diplomats and policymakers, comprehending the historical underpinnings and operational dynamics of these movements is essential for effective engagement and strategic foresight. These mobilizations often reflect deep-seated societal concerns and can significantly impact public opinion, national policies, and international cooperation. Analyzing their historical development, as this conference proposes, offers valuable insights into potential future trends and the mechanisms through which citizen movements can exert influence on a global scale. Furthermore, the conference's focus on a specific, impactful historical event allows for a detailed examination of how local actions can resonate internationally, fostering a nuanced appreciation of the interconnectedness of domestic and foreign policy. This historical perspective is vital for developing robust \[engagement strategies](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/lessons/engagement-strategies)\ and for identifying \[hidden stakeholders](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/lessons/hidden-stakeholders)\ in complex international issues. ## How to prepare Delegates preparing for this conference should focus on understanding the historical context of transnational social movements in Europe, particularly those that gained prominence around the turn of the millennium. A thorough review of the events in Genoa in 2001, including the key actors, demands, and outcomes, will be foundational. Consider how these events contributed to broader discussions on globalization, economic justice, and democratic participation. It would be beneficial to research the various theoretical frameworks used to analyze social movements, such as resource mobilization theory, political process theory, and new social movement theory. Understanding these perspectives will enable a more critical engagement with the presentations and discussions. Additionally, exploring the impact of digital technologies on transnational mobilization, both historically and in contemporary contexts, could provide a valuable angle. Consider how different national perspectives within Europe have shaped or responded to these movements. While the conference is held in ITA, the broader European context is central. Reflect on the diverse motivations and organizational structures of these movements and their long-term effects on policy and public discourse. This preparation will facilitate a deeper \[dynamic analysis](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/lessons/dynamic-analysis)\ of the topics presented. ## Country perspectives Where the most-relevant 1 countries stand on the core issues in play. Click through for the full country profile. [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [As the host nation and the site of the pivotal 2001 events, ITA holds a unique and central perspective on the historical and contemporary impact of transnational mobilizations.](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Role in topic](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [ITA serves as the geographical and historical focal point for the conference, having been the location of significant transnational protests in 2001. Its experience offers a direct case study for examining the dynamics, challenges, and legacies of such movements within a European context. The discussions will likely draw heavily on the Italian experience to illustrate broader trends in European activism.](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) ## Topics & background The background behind each topic and the actors that shape it. 1 ### The G8 Summit in Genoa (2001) The 27th G8 summit, held in Genoa from 20-22 July 2001, became a defining moment in the history of contemporary protest. Convened under the Italian presidency of Silvio Berlusconi, the summit brought together leaders of the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Canada and Russia to discuss debt relief, development in Africa, and the global economy. It was met by one of the largest counter-summit mobilisations ever staged in Europe, organised by the Genoa Social Forum, an umbrella of roughly 800 organisations ranging from Catholic NGOs and trade unions to autonomist and anarchist networks. Italian authorities sealed the historic centre behind a militarised 'red zone' and deployed tens of thousands of police and Carabinieri. Clashes over three days left hundreds injured, culminated in the police killing of 23-year-old Carlo Giuliani in Piazza Alimonda on 20 July, and were followed by the notorious night raid on the Diaz school and abuses at the Bolzaneto detention facility. Subsequent Italian and European Court of Human Rights judgments (including Cestaro v. Italy, 2015) ruled that what occurred at Diaz amounted to torture. Genoa marked the apex of the 'Seattle cycle' of summit protests and reshaped debates on policing, civil liberties and the legitimacy of informal great-power governance. The events were quickly overshadowed by 9/11 weeks later, which transformed the political climate in which transnational protest operated, but Genoa remains a reference point for activists, scholars and policymakers studying the policing of dissent in liberal democracies. Key players - [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Host state; responsible for security operations and subject of landmark rulings on police conduct](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) - [United States](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-states) [Dominant G8 member; principal target of anti-neoliberal and anti-war critique](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-states) - [United Kingdom](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) [G8 member closely aligned with US agenda on trade and security](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) - [France](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [G8 member; domestic anti-globalisation movement (ATTAC) heavily represented in Genoa](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) - [Germany](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) [G8 member; major contingent of German activists and trade unionists present](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) - [Russia](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/russia) [G8 member integrated into summit diplomacy in the pre-2014 era](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/russia) 2 ### Social Movements in Europe European social movements have evolved through successive waves since the 19th-century labour and socialist mobilisations that produced mass parties and trade unions. The 'new social movements' of the 1960s-70s — student, feminist, peace, ecological and regional-autonomy movements — shifted contention from purely class-based demands toward identity, lifestyle and post-materialist concerns, exemplified by 1968 in Paris, the Italian 'hot autumn', and the West German extra-parliamentary opposition. From the 1980s, peace mobilisations against Euromissiles, anti-nuclear movements after Chernobyl, and solidarity campaigns with Central and Eastern European dissidents formed a continental repertoire. The end of the Cold War and the deepening of European integration created new opportunities and grievances: the Maastricht Treaty, EU enlargement, austerity policies, and the perceived democratic deficit of Brussels institutions all generated transnational contention. Movements such as the Indignados/15-M in Spain, the Greek anti-austerity protests, Nuit Debout in France, and climate strikes inspired by Fridays for Future illustrate how European movements increasingly frame national grievances within a continental and global horizon. Today, European social movements operate in a polarised landscape that includes resurgent right-wing populist mobilisation, migrant solidarity networks, climate activism (Extinction Rebellion, Letzte Generation), housing struggles, and labour militancy in logistics and platform work. Their repertoires combine street protest, digital organising, legal action and engagement with EU-level institutions. Key players - [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Long tradition of autonomist, trade-union and social-centre movements; key node of the 2001 cycle](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) - [France](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [Home of ATTAC, gilets jaunes and a strong protest-democracy tradition](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) - [Germany](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) [Major site of Green, peace and climate movements with influence on EU policy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) - [Spain](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) [15-M/Indignados shaped post-2011 European protest repertoires](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) - [Greece](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/greece) [Epicentre of anti-austerity mobilisation during the eurozone crisis](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/greece) - [United Kingdom](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) [Hub for global-justice NGOs, anti-war coalitions and Extinction Rebellion](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) 3 ### The Global Justice Movement The Global Justice Movement (GJM) emerged in the late 1990s as a heterogeneous transnational network challenging the neoliberal architecture of globalisation embodied by the WTO, IMF, World Bank and G7/G8. Its symbolic birth is often dated to the November 1999 'Battle of Seattle', where protests disrupted the WTO Ministerial, although the movement built on earlier Southern struggles against structural adjustment, the Zapatista uprising of 1994, and European campaigns against the Multilateral Agreement on Investment. The GJM's distinctive feature was its 'movement of movements' character, linking trade unions, peasant organisations (Via Campesina), environmentalists, feminists, indigenous groups, faith-based NGOs and radical-left networks across continents. The World Social Forum, first held in Porto Alegre in 2001 under the slogan 'Another World Is Possible', provided a recurrent transnational space. In Europe, the movement coalesced around counter-summits at Prague (2000), Gothenburg (2001), Genoa (2001) and the European Social Forums in Florence (2002), Paris (2003) and London (2004). After 2003-2005 the movement's energy was partly absorbed by anti-war mobilisation against the Iraq war, then refracted into climate, anti-austerity and Occupy-style movements. Debates continue over whether the GJM declined, fragmented, or simply mutated into the diverse contemporary ecology of transnational activism. Key players - [Brazil](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/brazil) [Host of the World Social Forum and home base of major PT-linked and landless-workers' networks](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/brazil) - [France](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [ATTAC and intellectual networks gave the movement much of its programmatic identity](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) - [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Genoa Social Forum and Florence ESF made Italy a strategic hub](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) - [United States](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-states) [Seattle 1999 and the alter-corporate critique originated key tactics and frames](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-states) - [India](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/india) [Mumbai WSF (2004) and farmer/labour movements anchored the Asian component](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/india) - [Mexico](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/mexico) [Zapatista uprising provided foundational inspiration for the movement of movements](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/mexico) 4 ### The Alter-Globalisation Movement 'Alter-globalisation' (altermondialisme) is the term — preferred over 'anti-globalisation' — adopted by activists who argued they opposed not global interconnection itself but its neoliberal, corporate-led form. The label crystallised in French and Italian debates in the late 1990s and was popularised by ATTAC (founded 1998) and by the World Social Forum process from 2001. Its intellectual programme combined demands for financial regulation (a Tobin tax on currency transactions), debt cancellation for the Global South, fair-trade alternatives, defence of public services and commons, food sovereignty, and democratisation of multilateral institutions. The movement was federative rather than centralised, coordinating through social forums, listservs and rolling counter-summits at meetings of the WTO, G8, IMF/World Bank, and the EU. After the high points of 2001-2003, alter-globalisation networks struggled to convert mobilisation into institutional change. Yet many of their themes — financial transaction taxes, climate justice, debt relief, critique of investor-state arbitration, scrutiny of trade deals such as TTIP and CETA — have re-entered mainstream debate, and their organisational innovations have informed later movements from Occupy to the climate strikes. Key players - [France](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [Birthplace of the 'altermondialiste' label and home of ATTAC](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) - [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Social-centre and disobbedienti networks gave the movement a militant European base](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) - [Brazil](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/brazil) [World Social Forum host; PT government partially channelled movement demands into state policy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/brazil) - [Belgium](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) [Brussels-based EU institutions and NGOs are a key target and arena of alter-globalisation advocacy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) - [Spain](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) [Strong altermondialiste networks that later fed into the 15-M movement](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) - [Canada](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/canada) [Council of Canadians and Quebec networks were prominent, notably around the 2001 Quebec City Summit of the Americas](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/canada) 5 ### Transnational Mobilisations Transnational mobilisations are collective actions in which activists from multiple countries coordinate around shared frames and targets, often aimed at international institutions, multinational corporations or cross-border issues. While transnational activism is not new — 19th-century abolitionism, the socialist Internationals and the women's suffrage movement all crossed borders — its contemporary form has been shaped by cheap travel, the internet, the consolidation of supranational governance (EU, WTO, UN system) and the diffusion of common protest repertoires. Scholars such as Sidney Tarrow, Donatella della Porta and Margaret Keck/Kathryn Sikkink have analysed how 'rooted cosmopolitans' build advocacy networks, boomerang strategies and transnational coalitions. The 1999-2005 cycle of counter-summits, the 15 February 2003 global day of action against the Iraq war (the largest coordinated protest in history), the climate strikes of 2018-2019, and recent solidarity mobilisations around Ukraine, Gaza, and migration illustrate the varied logics of transnational contention. Key analytical questions concern the conditions under which national grievances 'scale up', how digital platforms enable but also fragment coordination, how movements interact with international organisations, and how repression and surveillance also operate transnationally through bodies such as Europol, Frontex and intelligence-sharing arrangements. Key players - [Belgium](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) [Brussels concentrates EU institutions and NGO headquarters that anchor much European transnational advocacy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) - [Switzerland](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/switzerland) [Geneva hosts UN agencies, WTO and WEF (Davos), making it a recurrent mobilisation arena](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/switzerland) - [United States](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-states) [Washington/New York (IMF, World Bank, UN) and US-based corporations are persistent targets](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-states) - [Germany](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) [Major hub for climate, migration and anti-G7/G20 transnational mobilisations (Heiligendamm, Hamburg)](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) - [France](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [Origin of several transnational networks and host of COP21 mobilisations](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) - [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Genoa 2001 remains an emblematic case of transnational protest and its repression](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) 6 ### Relations between Movements, States and Supranational Bodies Social movements increasingly operate in a multi-level political environment where national states share authority with supranational institutions such as the EU, the Council of Europe, the WTO, the IMF and the UN. This restructuring has prompted movements to develop 'venue-shopping' strategies — pressing their claims at whichever level appears most permeable — and to confront the fact that key decisions on trade, monetary policy, migration and climate are often made beyond national parliaments. Relations between movements and authorities span a spectrum from co-optation to confrontation. NGOs participate in EU consultations, UN conferences (e.g., the Rio and climate COP processes) and ILO tripartite structures, while more disruptive networks contest these same institutions as undemocratic. States, in turn, have responded with selective dialogue, institutionalisation of 'civil society' channels, and tightened policing and legal frameworks for protest. The EU's combination of soft consultation mechanisms with hard security cooperation (Europol, Schengen Information System, Frontex) exemplifies this dual approach. Genoa 2001 crystallised the tension: movements protested the legitimacy of the G8 itself, while host-state security forces operated under heavy international coordination. Two decades on, similar dynamics play out around G20 summits, EU Councils, COPs and WTO ministerials, and increasingly around the regulation of digital platforms and AI at supranational level. Key players - [Belgium](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) [Seat of EU Commission, Council and Parliament; central arena of movement-institution relations](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) - [France](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [Influential in shaping EU social and economic policy contested by movements](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) - [Germany](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) [Key EU power; sites of major summit protests and institutionalised civil-society dialogue](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) - [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Genoa case study in state-supranational coordination and its accountability deficits](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) - [United Kingdom](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) [Pre-Brexit and post-Brexit advocacy hub; influential in trade and security governance](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) - [Switzerland](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/switzerland) [Host of UN, WTO and WEF, providing recurrent interfaces between movements and global governance](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/switzerland) 7 ### Protest Cycles and Geographies Charles Tilly and Sidney Tarrow's concept of 'protest cycles' describes periods of heightened conflict that spread across sectors and territories, generate new repertoires and frames, and eventually subside through repression, exhaustion or institutionalisation. The 1968 cycle, the 1989 democratic wave, the 1999-2005 global justice cycle, and the 2010-2013 wave of squares (Arab uprisings, 15-M, Occupy, Gezi) are paradigmatic examples. Protest also has distinctive geographies. Mobilisations cluster in capital cities and at summit venues, but also in 'movement cities' such as Berlin, Barcelona, Athens, Hamburg, Bologna or Thessaloniki with dense activist infrastructures. Border zones (Calais, Lampedusa, the Balkan route), extractive sites (ZAD in France, Hambach forest in Germany, NoTAV in the Susa Valley) and logistical chokepoints (ports, Amazon warehouses) have become contested spaces. Digital geographies — platforms, hashtags, encrypted channels — overlay these physical sites, allowing diffusion across borders but also exposing activists to surveillance. Analysing cycles and geographies helps explain why Genoa 2001 mattered: it concentrated a global cycle in a single Italian port city, fused multiple movement traditions, and produced both a peak of transnational visibility and a turning point after which repression, 9/11 and internal divisions reshaped the landscape. Key players - [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Site of Genoa 2001 and a recurrent laboratory of cycle peaks and territorial conflicts (NoTAV)](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) - [France](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [Long cycles of strikes, ZAD occupations and banlieue revolts shape European geographies of protest](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) - [Spain](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) [15-M opened a new cycle of square occupations diffusing across continents](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) - [Greece](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/greece) [Anti-austerity cycle of 2008-2015 anchored in Athens and Thessaloniki](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/greece) - [Germany](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) [Hamburg G20 (2017) and Berlin/Leipzig scenes are major nodes of contemporary protest geography](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) - [Turkey](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/turkey) [Gezi 2013 illustrated how protest cycles reach beyond the EU into its near abroad](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/turkey) 8 ### Relations between State, Law and Security The policing of protest in liberal democracies has shifted across the past half-century from 'escalated force' models toward 'negotiated management', and — particularly since the late 1990s — toward what scholars call 'strategic incapacitation', combining intelligence-led prevention, mass containment ('kettling'), pre-emptive arrests, designated protest zones, and selective use of force. Genoa 2001 became a textbook case of the breakdown of negotiated management: the militarisation of the red zone, the killing of Carlo Giuliani, and the abuses at the Diaz school and Bolzaneto barracks exposed the gap between democratic norms and on-the-ground practice. Legally, the post-9/11 era accelerated the convergence of public-order policing with counter-terrorism frameworks. Anti-terror legislation, expanded surveillance powers, broader definitions of 'criminal association', and the use of preventive measures against activists have been documented across European states. The European Court of Human Rights has repeatedly intervened — Cestaro v. Italy (2015) found Italy in violation of Article 3 (prohibition of torture) for the Diaz raid, and other rulings have addressed kettling, surveillance, and freedom of assembly. EU-level instruments (Europol, Prüm, PNR, the proposed regulation of online content) further extend the security architecture. Contemporary debates focus on the policing of climate activism, the criminalisation of migrant-solidarity work, the use of facial recognition and predictive policing, and the legal treatment of new tactics such as infrastructure blockades. The Genoa legacy continues to inform European jurisprudence and activist legal-support networks. Key players - [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Defendant in landmark ECtHR rulings on Genoa; testing ground for protest-policing reforms](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) - [France](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [Extensive use of state-of-emergency and anti-terror law against protest movements](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) - [Germany](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) [Federal/Länder policing model and Hamburg G20 prosecutions shape European debate](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) - [United Kingdom](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) [Public Order Act 2023 and earlier kettling jurisprudence central to law-and-protest debates](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) - [Belgium](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) [Hosts EU justice and home-affairs architecture (Europol coordination, JHA Council)](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) - [Spain](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) ['Ley Mordaza' (2015) emblematic of post-15-M securitisation of public space](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) ## Resources News, lessons, and country profiles to prep for Europe in Movement(s). Genoa 2001 and Transnational Mobilisations in Historical Perspective. Recent reporting to ground your prep [GOP Conservative Factions Clash Over Trump](https://modeldiplomat.com/story/gops-conservative-factions-clash-amid-trumps-influence) [Arming an archipelago: Is time running out for Europe's oldest DMZ? | Euronews](https://modeldiplomat.com/story/ala-arming-an-archipelago-is-time-running-out-for-europes-oldest-dmz-euronews) [Comprehensive approach to security: Federal Council launches consultation on Switzerland's security policy strategy](https://modeldiplomat.com/story/che-comprehensive-approach-to-security-federal-council-launches-consultation-on) [Europe's June Heatwave: Infrastructure Crisis](https://modeldiplomat.com/story/europes-june-heatwave-infrastructure-crisis) Lessons Bite-sized lessons to build the basics [Hidden Stakeholders](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/lessons/hidden-stakeholders) [Engagement Strategies](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/lessons/engagement-strategies) [Dynamic Analysis](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/lessons/dynamic-analysis) [Stakeholder Mapping Workshop](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/lessons/stakeholder-workshop) Courses Guided courses that go deeper on the topic [Media & Press Relations](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/courses/media-press) [Advanced Negotiation](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/courses/advanced-negotiation) [Multilateral Negotiation](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/courses/multilateral-negotiation) [Policy Brief Writing](https://modeldiplomat.com/learn/courses/policy-brief) The states in play, with the data that shapes their stance [Italy](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/italy) [United States](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-states) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-states) [United Kingdom](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/united-kingdom) [France](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/france) [Germany](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/germany) [Russia](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/russia) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/russia) [Spain](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/spain) [Greece](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/greece) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/greece) [Brazil](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/brazil) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/brazil) [India](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/india) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/india) [Mexico](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/mexico) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/mexico) [Belgium](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/belgium) [Canada](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/canada) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/canada) [Switzerland](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/switzerland) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/switzerland) [Turkey](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/turkey) [Country dossier](https://modeldiplomat.com/country/turkey) ## Frequently asked questions - - Free account Save conferences, research any topic with AI, build position papers, and keep your daily prep streak — free. 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